1 In fact, since Terry Moe first showed- nearly 20 years ago-that California’s teachers’ unions were active and influential in board elections there, no subsequent large-N analysis has been carried out to evaluate the size and scope of union power in school board elections. 2018 2021 Hemphill and Marianno 2021), few studies have assessed teacher-union electioneering in contemporary school board elections. Although several scholars have examined union power in collective bargaining (see, e.g., Anzia and Moe 2014 Marianno and Strunk 2018 Strunk et al. Then, at the end of the decade, the US Supreme Court announced that public sector unions could no longer collect fees from dissenting nonmembers, reducing the revenue that unions have to engage in advocacy (DiSalvo and Hartney 2020).ĭespite these recent setbacks at the state and federal levels, we know much less about how these new dynamics have affected teacher-union influence in local school politics. For a short time, the unions even faced pushback from their traditional allies: In the early aughts, many Democrats joined with Republicans to support union-opposed school reforms (Hartney and Wolbrecht 2014). Wealthy education reform advocacy groups emerged to challenge their dominance (Henig et al. Teachers’ unions, in particular, have faced a variety of new political obstacles. The Great Recession put public sector unions squarely on the defensive (DiSalvo 2015). On the surface, this thesis seems reasonable. An emerging narrative in American education suggests that teachers’ unions have lost significant political clout in recent years (Brill 2010 Ferman and Palazzolo 2017 Viadero 2009).
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